Unlike the fascism of the inter-war years, Teesside University academic Paul Stocker argues in his book English Uprising, that the re-emergence of the extreme populist right, manifested in a wave of brutal racist rioting in the last month, is a cultural rather than just an economic phenomenon.
Stocker provides a critical overview of the history of 20th century British fascism. Unlike Oswald Mosley’s BUF Blackshirts in the 1930s, the spectacular rise of groups like the National Front and BNP, were a direct response to post-war black commonwealth immigration in the fifties and sixties. In 1967 the NF, a racialist party of the extreme right was founded by the author Chesterton. Its main belief system was a redefinition of the ‘real’ British community in terms of colour. For the NF whites were seen as ‘true’ Brits. Black and Asian minority ethnic groups weren’t and were blamed for social problems like unemployment and bad housing.
By 1979 the NF lost a lot of it support partly due to its thuggish skinhead image, street violence and partly due to Thatcher’s populist stance on overseas migration. By 1992 it fell into decline and was eclipsed by the British National Party. Till 2011 the BNP was the lead player on the extreme right and enjoyed modest success in council elections particularly in the deprived outer boroughs of London. By 2009 its leaders Nick Griffin and Andrew Broms were elected to the European Parliament for the first time.
By 2012 the rapid rise of UKIP, although not a fascist party, represented the ”further mainstreaming” of ideas popularised by the BNP. As Nigel Farage, UKIP’s former leader boasted: ”We’ve taken a third of the BNP vote and I’m quite proud of that”.
Currently the new far right is splinted into a number of groups ranging from the EDL, Britain First and Patriotic Alternative. Britain First led by Paul Golding sees itself as the successor to the BNP with a blend of far right street protests and stunts like mosque ‘invasions’. It has an extensive presence on social media and its estimated 800 members have tried to whip up unrest in predominantly Muslim neighbourhoods. Its harmful online propaganda played a key role in the radicalisation of the convicted far right terrorist Daren Osbourne. Nick Lowles of the anti-racism charity, Hope Not Hate, said: ”The speed with which Osbourne was radicalised was frightening.”
Patriotic Alternative, formed in 2019 by former BNP activist Mark Collett, has presented itself as an anti-migrant and ”white pride” organisation.
Although one of its leaders was jailed for racial hatred it has kept a low profile in the wider context of the recent riots. One of the key contemporary figures of the new far right, however, is Stephen Yaxley-Lennon aka Tommy Robinson founder of the defunct English Defence League. Robinson is being investigated by the police for spreading online disinformation and being behind some of the riots which hit many towns across the UK including Sunderland, Hartlepool and Middlesbrough.
Although the recent racist yobbish behaviour on our streets alarmed the vast majority of people it received no public support even amongst those who have concerns about the impact of migration. Although racist attitudes and values were prevalent in the latter part of the 20th century, the UK is by and large a tolerant multi-ethnic and multi-racial society. Research by Hope Not Hate notes that we’ve become more, not less tolerant since 2011. Overtly racist opinions, as measured by surveys, have dropped significantly in the last two decades.
British Future, a thinktank, has pointed out that the UK enjoys a high level of integration compared to several European countries and the US. There has been a consistent fall in intergenerational racial prejudice and a gradual decline in ethnic residential segregation in cities and large towns.
However, there’s some evidence that hard right extremist elements are gaining a foothold in some urban ‘left-out’ communities. Following Brexit the radical right wing party, Reform UK, which attracted over four million votes at the last general election, is becoming increasingly racialised with five elected MPs including Nigel Farage.
British values and the role of education
In 2017 the government with cross party support unveiled its Fundamental British Values initiative coupled with the launch of the Building A Stronger Britain, part of the state’s counter-extremism strategy, to address genuine concerns about the potential growth of far right groups and ‘Islamo-fascism’ in local communities and in schools.
Although most schools and colleges have integrated FBVs into their systems of delivery, Ofsted noted, that too often they are being taught in a piecemeal and ad hoc way. For a minority of white working class young people their sense of disenchantment and alienation can easily be exploited by far right extremists who ”promise a better tomorrow by scapegoating and blaming minorities today”.
Clearly educational providers have an important role in challenging extremism in the classroom, online and outside the wider community. That’s why it’s vital that all schools re-emphasise the shared common values of democracy, tolerance, respect and the rule of law through the formal and ‘hidden’ curriculum. Alistair Campbell in his new book, But What Can I Do, has gone one step further calling for the introduction of anti-fascist education as part of a universal civics programme across all schools.
Left behind areas
Stocker challenges an explicit economic explanation for the growth of new far right populism and urban unrest. Other experts point out, the core lesson from inter-war Britain, is that this nativist populism only comes alive when government fails to address the anxieties of the dispossessed living in left-behind and neglected post-industrial towns and coastal communities both in the north and elsewhere. Violence, thuggery and damage to property broke out in seven of England’s most disadvantaged areas: Middlesbrough, Blackpool, Liverpool, Hartlepool, Hull, Manchester and Blackburn.
As former Chair of the Social Mobility Commission Alan Milburn warned four years ago a failure to bridge an unequal society, stem industrial decline, tackle stagnant incomes and a sense of political alienation could fuel support for a proto-fascist solution through new far right movements or hard left totalitarian groups in some parts of our divided and fractured post-Brexit nation.
Stephen Lambert is director of Education4Democracy and a Newcastle City Councillor.
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