Six councils in the North East of England went to the polls this week. Hartlepool and North Tyneside were electing a third of their seats, the rest (Newcastle, Sunderland, Gateshead and South Tyneside) were holding all‑out elections. The headline is brutally simple. Women did not fare well. The pattern is unmistakable.
My independent analysis found that only 35% of all candidates across the six elections were women. Out of 123 wards, two had no women on the ballot at all, and eight had just one. In one authority, women made up only 30% of candidates – not even a third.
After the votes were counted, the picture worsened; across the region, we now have 24% fewer women councillors. What makes this statistic worse is that before the election, only 42% of councillors were women. So as a result, only 32% of all councillors across those six elections are women. That is not a blip. It is a backwards slide.
And let’s be clear: when women’s representation is damaged, society feels it.
I know this from experience. During my time in local politics, I was also a mam of young children. That perspective changed everything. I saw issues others didn’t. I pushed for things that weren’t even on the radar. My motivation was simple: to build a better place for my girls to grow up in. Women’s lived experience strengthens decision-making. Right now, that experience is being pushed out of our councils.
A perfect storm
So, what’s driving this decline? It’s not one factor. In my opinion it’s a perfect storm. The rise in misogyny and abuse aimed at women in public life. The shift away from two‑party politics and the scramble to field candidates. Parties with wildly different commitments to equality. A political landscape that is unstable and changing fast. A lack of accountability at every level.
This isn’t a “women’s issue”. It’s a democratic one. When half the population is pushed out of decision‑making spaces, every community loses.
What needs to happen?
So, what now?
Firstly, we need transparency. Local authorities do not collect demographic data on candidates, which means we cannot track who stands, who gets elected, or where representation is collapsing. Parties and councils’ democratic services teams must work together to fix this. In the absence of official datasets, any analysis has to rely on publicly available information (names, photographs and additional checks) which will carry a small margin of error. But the overall pattern is unmistakable. Without proper data, we are also missing the deeper picture: the intersections of race, disability, class and other identities that shape who gets to stand and who gets shut out.
Secondly, political parties must publicly commit to doing things differently. Warm words are not enough. We need clear standards, transparent selection processes and a willingness to confront the barriers that keep women out. Every party should set out how they will rebuild the pipeline, not just for the next election cycle, but for the next decade and beyond.
Thirdly, we must take women’s safety seriously. Women in public office face disproportionate levels of abuse, harassment and intimidation, online and offline. Councils and parties need tighter safeguarding, faster responses, and real consequences for perpetrators. Social media platforms must be held to account. And communities have a role too; active bystanders, calling out abuse, refusing to normalise hostility towards women in public life.
National organisations such as 50:50 Parliament and Elect Her have repeatedly called for stronger protections, better data, and systemic action to ensure women can participate in politics safely and equally
The decline in women councillors is not inevitable. It is the result of choices, systems and priorities, and those can be changed. But only if we stop pretending this is someone else’s problem. There is plenty that can and must be done. This moment demands transparency, accountability and the courage to act. Collectively, we can shift the trajectory.
We can rebuild representation. And we can turn the tide, but only if every institution, every party and every community steps up.
Disclaimer: This analysis is based on publicly available Statements of Persons Nominated and council results. Every effort has been made to identify gender accurately, including consideration of gender‑neutral candidates, but small errors may exist due to the limitations of the data available.
Further data:
Newcastle 29% women candidates
North Tyneside 36% women candidates
South Tyneside 35% women candidates
Sunderland 39% women candidates
Gateshead 37% women candidates
Hartlepool 30% women candidates
| Seats | Numbers | Percentage | |||
| Women councillors | Before | After | Before | After | |
| Hartlepool | 36 | 12 | 11 | 33% | 31% |
| Newcastle | 78 | 33 | 20 | 42% | 26% |
| North Tyneside | 60 | 23 | 19 | 38% | 32% |
| Sunderland | 75 | 29 | 25 | 39% | 33% |
| South Tyneside | 54 | 25 | 20 | 47% | 37% |
| Gateshead | 66 | 32 | 22 | 48% | 33% |
| Total | 369 | 154 | 117 | 42% | 32% |






